https://cius-archives.ca/items/browse?tags=Michael+Savaryn&output=atom2024-03-29T02:35:14-06:00Omekahttps://cius-archives.ca/items/show/1981 Michael Savaryn, a law student at the University of Alberta, delivered the sixth Institute seminar in Edmonton on January 16 with the presentation, "The Response of the Ukrainian Canadians to the Displaced Persons Situation in Europe". He examined the responses in Edmonton's Ukrainski Visti , edited by the late John Esaiw. The speaker quoted from a number of editorials which both appealed to Ukrainian Canadians for funds, clothing and other supplies, and pleaded with the Canadian Government to allow largescale immigration of Ukrainian refugees to Canada.
Research on the life of the Ukrainians, who scattered throughout Western Europe after World War II in terrible fear of forced deportation to the Soviet Union, is scarce. Little is known about the number, qualifications, and plans of the refugees, and there is little evidence about how many were in fact deported, and how many managed to find their relatives or refuge in different countries. However, one fact is clear: their fate evoked a great deal of sympathy from Ukrainian Canadians, who even visited them in the Displaced Persons camps. The late Anthony Hlynka, a Ukrainian M.P. from Vegreville, Alberta, spoke on their behalf in the House of Commons. The actual amounts of money, clothing, food, affidavits, etc., raised by Ukrainian Canadians for their countrymen is not known, and it is time to research this subject. Indeed, it is time to record the experience of the post- World War II Ukrainian immigration generally, for the history of the Ukrainian Canadians without this chapter would be incomplete.
Michael Savaryn, a law student at the University of Alberta, delivered the sixth Institute seminar in Edmonton on January 16 with the presentation, "The Response of the Ukrainian Canadians to the Displaced Persons Situation in Europe". He examined the responses in Edmonton's Ukrainski Visti , edited by the late John Esaiw. The speaker quoted from a number of editorials which both appealed to Ukrainian Canadians for funds, clothing and other supplies, and pleaded with the Canadian Government to allow largescale immigration of Ukrainian refugees to Canada.
Research on the life of the Ukrainians, who scattered throughout Western Europe after World War II in terrible fear of forced deportation to the Soviet Union, is scarce. Little is known about the number, qualifications, and plans of the refugees, and there is little evidence about how many were in fact deported, and how many managed to find their relatives or refuge in different countries. However, one fact is clear: their fate evoked a great deal of sympathy from Ukrainian Canadians, who even visited them in the Displaced Persons camps. The late Anthony Hlynka, a Ukrainian M.P. from Vegreville, Alberta, spoke on their behalf in the House of Commons. The actual amounts of money, clothing, food, affidavits, etc., raised by Ukrainian Canadians for their countrymen is not known, and it is time to research this subject. Indeed, it is time to record the experience of the post- World War II Ukrainian immigration generally, for the history of the Ukrainian Canadians without this chapter would be incomplete.
]]>https://cius-archives.ca/items/show/1941 The Institute's fourth seminar of the current academic year took place on November 17. Michael Savaryn, first year law student at the University of Alberta, spoke on "Ivan Dziuba—From International- ism or Russification to Facets of a Crystal. The writers of the 1960s gave Ukrainian cultural life a spark of inspiration.
Ivan Dziuba, a literary critic, symbolized the post-Stalin renaissance in Ukraine by becoming a political activist. For ten years, seemingly motivated by uncompromising conviction, Dziuba fearlessly criticized government policies; his actions culminated in the preparation and circulation of the now renowned dissertation Internationalism or Russification. Then, quite unexpectedly, Dziuba broke down under pressure and recanted.
Valentyn Moroz attributes this downfall to Dziuba's lack of fervent faith combined with too much logic and "realism." Leonid Pliushch, on the other hand, believes that Dziuba lacked the necessary ideological persistence, and that his arguments were overly emotional. There is also a third interpretation Dziuba was part of a reformist movement in Ukraine whose success depended on a strong lobby for reform and compromise by Ukraine's top political leaders. Indeed, Shelest, the first secretary of the C.P.U. , encouraged efforts to improve the status of the Ukrainian language in Ukraine, and Dziuba naturally became a fullblown political activist at a time when the system seemed to offer genuine opportunities for reform.
Two trends have been evident within the dissident movement in Ukraine: one consisted of reformists willing to compromise with the system while demanding reform, another consisted of uncompromising revolutionaries who lack contact with the political elite. When in 1972 the entire political elite in Ukraine was purged, Shelestivshchyna fell, and Dziuba, imprisoned at that time, saw his movement torn to shreds. He had become a dying remnant of a bygone era. Resistance was futile because his self-imposed duty was reformism, and he had adhered to it to the end of its possible life.
The Institute's fourth seminar of the current academic year took place on November 17. Michael Savaryn, first year law student at the University of Alberta, spoke on "Ivan Dziuba—From International- ism or Russification to Facets of a Crystal. The writers of the 1960s gave Ukrainian cultural life a spark of inspiration.
Ivan Dziuba, a literary critic, symbolized the post-Stalin renaissance in Ukraine by becoming a political activist. For ten years, seemingly motivated by uncompromising conviction, Dziuba fearlessly criticized government policies; his actions culminated in the preparation and circulation of the now renowned dissertation Internationalism or Russification. Then, quite unexpectedly, Dziuba broke down under pressure and recanted.
Valentyn Moroz attributes this downfall to Dziuba's lack of fervent faith combined with too much logic and "realism." Leonid Pliushch, on the other hand, believes that Dziuba lacked the necessary ideological persistence, and that his arguments were overly emotional. There is also a third interpretation Dziuba was part of a reformist movement in Ukraine whose success depended on a strong lobby for reform and compromise by Ukraine's top political leaders. Indeed, Shelest, the first secretary of the C.P.U. , encouraged efforts to improve the status of the Ukrainian language in Ukraine, and Dziuba naturally became a fullblown political activist at a time when the system seemed to offer genuine opportunities for reform.
Two trends have been evident within the dissident movement in Ukraine: one consisted of reformists willing to compromise with the system while demanding reform, another consisted of uncompromising revolutionaries who lack contact with the political elite. When in 1972 the entire political elite in Ukraine was purged, Shelestivshchyna fell, and Dziuba, imprisoned at that time, saw his movement torn to shreds. He had become a dying remnant of a bygone era. Resistance was futile because his self-imposed duty was reformism, and he had adhered to it to the end of its possible life.